My remaining little bird in the nest was working on a school project this week and came with interview questions for me regarding my memories of the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001. I do remember that day.
I was quietly lying in bed, listening to NPR, while my husband shaved and waiting for him to leave the bathroom so I could get started on my day. Because of my experience as a Macy's Christmas season temporary in the Contra Costa Mall when a small plane crashed into it in the 1980's, I knew right away that the planes had purposefully been flown into those buildings. The year of 2001 had been very difficult for our family beginning with the very harsh impact of the Dot Com bust on our small business, the February Nisqually earthquake which left our home with significant latent damage, a family member who was significantly injured in a car accident in March, and on that day my country was under attack.
My daughter bravely left a few days later to take her first job in New York on Long Island as a nanny. I remember thinking that it was probably the safest time in years to be flying. My oldest son was on a mission for two years for our church, and while I worried for him, I was actually glad he was not in America during those weeks and thought he was probably safer in Brazil. Of all the many heroes of 9/11, I was most moved by the brave passengers of Flight 93 who represent the best sacrifices of the ordinary and imperfect American in doing what we think of as right and moral when faced with extraordinary circumstances.
Reflecting back, in some ways, I think the terrorists accomplished what they set out to do by destabilizing our economy which had large institutions building ever larger houses of cards based on what really cannot be described as anything short of fraud. While it is convenient to blame the government and large corporations, individuals who stretched the truth in a variety of ways have a lot to do with the sub prime loan mess that ultimately took the economy down. I do believe without the significant interruption and blast to our social fabric caused by the terrorist attacks of that fateful day, we could have happily continued kicking the can down the road. Much of this fraud would not have taken place but for the climate created by deregulation of the financial industry and the glorification and reward of greed caused by regulators looking the other way as long as the economic boom continued.
It boggles my mind to hear calls for reducing regulation as a way to grow the economy when clearly that is how we got to where we are today because we created a climate where the worst inclinations of some of the people toward greed and corruption could grow unchecked and unfettered. As I attend my church in the morning with a few hundred other people during our regularly scheduled Stake Conference, I expect to hear various speakers mention 9/11. I will silently ponder the loss of so many lives on that day and the loss of so many lives since then. I will mentally pray for all who suffer innocently and those who suffer in their guilt. I will ask myself again what I as an individual should do differently in terms of my own integrity and ethics and I will continue to support thoughtful, prudent regulation and fully funded government enforcement of regulation to protect against those very human foibles of greed and corruption which put us all at risk.
I hope other Americans will also end their personal reflections on the tenth anniversary of the September 11, 2011 terrorist attacks with an increased sense of urgency to do the right thing, even when we have to make a small or large personal financial sacrifice (i.e. pay taxes or comply with a regulation that we think perhaps shouldn't apply to us-and I've got a few I don't like as a small business owner), or whether it is funding our promises to our senior citizens, caring for our disabled poor or simply saying that we will not tolerate the fraudulent business activities that threaten the financial health of our country and people in the same way that we have mobilized to fight terrorism.
Cross posted on my Law Blog on September 10, 2011.
Saturday, September 10, 2011
Monday, July 18, 2011
Tom Foley: Another Eastern Washington Democrat and Champion of Civility in Politics
Last Saturday at the 4th Congressional District Democrats meeting, the chair, George Fearing, asked those assembled to introduce themselves and talk about their favorite Washington State Democratic Politician past or present. George went last with some prompting from those assembled. As it turns out, George spoke movingly about the character and civility of Tom Foley. Tom Foley was the Fifth District congressman who ultimately became Speaker of the House. A few links I recommend to learn more about Tom Foley and his legacy are:
A wonderful video featuring Tom Foley on government service: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UWEPWm3Le50
Wikipedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tom_Foley
The Foley Institute at WSU: http://foley.wsu.edu/about/index.asp
A wonderful video featuring Tom Foley on government service: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UWEPWm3Le50
Wikipedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tom_Foley
The Foley Institute at WSU: http://foley.wsu.edu/about/index.asp
Wednesday, July 6, 2011
The "Lovefest" and a Post Fourth Potpourri
Regarding the Doc Hastings Fundraiser at Wild Horse, a Republican friend of mine, has dubbed it the "Lovefest." Yet another Republican friend of the Tea Party persuasion finds it a disgusting use of taxpayer money in that PSE received a 26 million dollar windfall of sorts from the Stimulus (American Recovery and Reinvestment Act) and now they are providing payola to politicians. To your neophyte chair of the Democrats it appears that this is now how things will work ever after, after Citizens United, and how things worked in the past. To my Kittitas Democrats who seem to have convinced themselves that the Republicans in Kittitas County have everything together in perfect harmony, I say not so, mon cheri.
I heard only good things about the Kittitas Democrats Fourth of July Activities. Second Vice Chair James Green and State Committeewoman Anna Powell literally and figuratively carried the party banner in the upper county Pioneer Day Parade. First Vice Chair Beverly Vifian, Treasurer Debbie Strand, Secretary Hanna Fredeen and Communications Guru Ben Oblas helped set up the booth with help from Ben's beloved Sara Oblas and the love of my life, Daryl Petrey, all volunteered at our table/booth at the City of Ellensburg's Fourth of July celebration. And last, but not least, we thank Bruce Tabb, an endorsed candidate of the Kittitas Democrats for city council and sitting Mayor of the City of Ellensburg, for his assistance and the assistance of the lovely Mrs. Mayor, Von Ellison.
Returning from my Fourth of July odyssey to all things Idaho, I stopped at the Oregon Trail Interpretive Center just outside of Baker City. Leading up to the center, highway signs announced that the roadside clean up was provided by the Baker County Democrats. Very beautiful and no trash and wonderful publicity for that county committee and our party. I was proud to be a Democrat. Good Job Baker County Democrats!
Looking forward, your Kittitas County Chair wants to have a little fun and perhaps is stepping over the bounds of decency, but would really, really like to ride an equine of the long eared variety in the Ellensburg Rodeo parade. If you have an animal of said ear length that can accommodate a person of size such as myself, I'd like to start tuning up both the long eared equine and my back end. I do not have any objection to riding a Republican owned equine of long ear length. Let the jokes from the peanut gallery begin . . . .
I heard only good things about the Kittitas Democrats Fourth of July Activities. Second Vice Chair James Green and State Committeewoman Anna Powell literally and figuratively carried the party banner in the upper county Pioneer Day Parade. First Vice Chair Beverly Vifian, Treasurer Debbie Strand, Secretary Hanna Fredeen and Communications Guru Ben Oblas helped set up the booth with help from Ben's beloved Sara Oblas and the love of my life, Daryl Petrey, all volunteered at our table/booth at the City of Ellensburg's Fourth of July celebration. And last, but not least, we thank Bruce Tabb, an endorsed candidate of the Kittitas Democrats for city council and sitting Mayor of the City of Ellensburg, for his assistance and the assistance of the lovely Mrs. Mayor, Von Ellison.
Returning from my Fourth of July odyssey to all things Idaho, I stopped at the Oregon Trail Interpretive Center just outside of Baker City. Leading up to the center, highway signs announced that the roadside clean up was provided by the Baker County Democrats. Very beautiful and no trash and wonderful publicity for that county committee and our party. I was proud to be a Democrat. Good Job Baker County Democrats!
Looking forward, your Kittitas County Chair wants to have a little fun and perhaps is stepping over the bounds of decency, but would really, really like to ride an equine of the long eared variety in the Ellensburg Rodeo parade. If you have an animal of said ear length that can accommodate a person of size such as myself, I'd like to start tuning up both the long eared equine and my back end. I do not have any objection to riding a Republican owned equine of long ear length. Let the jokes from the peanut gallery begin . . . .
Tuesday, June 28, 2011
The Roslyn Shuffle
Funky stuff going down in Kittitas County and rumors of Republicans getting set to do the politcal version of the "Roslyn Shuffle."
It must be something in the water or the phase of the moon, because my inbox has been busier than normal and filled with many curiousities in regards to local political issues. Among the strangest of the strange, was a forwarded email advising of a reception planned by the Puget Sound Energy PAC out at the Wild Horse Renewable Energy Center to honor Doc Hastings and raise money for him on July 18, 2011. Proudly hosting the event are the three current sitting Republican Kittitas County Commissioners (Alan Crankovich, Obie O'brien, and Paul Jewell), my counterpart on the Republican side, Matt Manweller, and Representative Bill Hinkle. If you've been around Kittitas politics involving land use for some time you may find this particular cast of characters playing in this venue quite ironic.
I'm wondering just exactly what it is that Doc Hastings has ever done to warrant being honored by PSE or anyone else in the wind energy industry? Given that he voted against the stimulus spending and has criticized every form of stimulus spending put forth under the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA) as implemented by the Obama administration except the Highway Transportation Funds, it cannot be a thank you for the recent stimulus funds that PSE received in 2010 to expand the Wild Horse Wind Farm. Or would it be to his general opposition to wind farms when the decision making process is not local, i.e. the EFSEC process leads to a final decision by the governor?
The local control issue is what has led Kittitas County to butt heads with a variety of state agencies. Commissioners Obie O'brien and Alan Crankovich often chant this mantra and have used it in regards to their comments on the wind industry. Exercising "local control" has taken the form of utilizing the prosecutor's office to litigate issues that many voters think should not be litigated. Or, as the independent candidate for Prosecutor in 2010 advocated, at minimum the commissioners should be required to hire their own outside counsel which would result in some small level of transparency as to the cost of such litigation. Right now it is deeply buried in the prosecutor's budget.
I do believe that had there been "local control" there would have been no wind farms in Kittitas County. Ever. And that includes Wild Horse. I have also witnessed more insiduous forms of "local control" which included a blatant threat made by Mr. Manweller against the then executive director of the local economic development group which took the form of advising her if she couldn't control the members of her board (and prevent them from supporting wind farms or bringing recall efforts) she would lose her job. Never mind that in most non-profits the board "controls" the executive.
Perhaps the oddest fellow playing the wind farm venue would be Paul Jewell who ran on a promise to extract royalties from the wind farms and may have won his commissioner seat on the basis of this false premise. Never mind that he was advised both before and after his election that there isn't a legal way to impose a royalty on a wind farm here in Kittitas County. Commissioner Jewell's most recent foray into places the county should not go includes a proposal to enter the water banking business in upper county by buying scarce water rights and allowing for "incidental uses" by certain select private citizens. This screams obvious potential "appearance of fairness" issues. There must be times that Deputy Prosecuting Attorney Neil Caulkins feels like a broken record when telling the commissioners no, no, and no.
Which only leaves Bill Hinkle who I know better than the other cast of characters. I actually do think Bill supported the wind energy industry here but he was late in formulating an independent identity on the issue perhaps due to some fence sitting behind the idea of local control and also due to his personal and political involvement with real estate developers (who by the way are not monolithically Republican) in the county. Of all the Republicans listed, I find his presence at Wild Horse the least incongrous. Which now brings me to rumors of Republicans doing the Roslyn Shuffle.
There is a joke in the Upper Kittitas County town of Roslyn about the dating scene among single adults. There is a limited pool of people to date, and, consequently, it is not unusual for a single resident in Roslyn to date someone who is an ex of a friend or relative, and have that friend or relative dating your ex, or your current partner's ex. This is referred to as the Roslyn shuffle. Rumors have circulated for months as to what Bill Hinkle will do next: He will run for state wide office, he will run for county coroner, etc. The current permutation involves Alan Crankovich resigning early, Bill Hinkle resigning early, Bill being appointed to County Commissioner (interesting because he is an Ex-Kittitas County Commisisoner), Matt Manweller, the current Republican County Party Chair, being appointed to fill Bill's legislative district seat, and so on . . . and some form of sinecure employment somewhere being obtained for Alan Crankovich in exchange for leaving early(interesting because I'd always heard he just wanted to sit long enough to get a minimal number of years in his county pension anyway). All of this occuring against the back drop of redistricting issues and additional rumors regarding more Republican elected officials in the county leaving early.
As a political neophyte and new county chair of the minority party it will be interesting to watch. And, the Doc Hasting event out at Wild Horse may well be the theatre for the announcement of the results of the shuffle and the Republican positioning of candidates for the next election cycle.
It must be something in the water or the phase of the moon, because my inbox has been busier than normal and filled with many curiousities in regards to local political issues. Among the strangest of the strange, was a forwarded email advising of a reception planned by the Puget Sound Energy PAC out at the Wild Horse Renewable Energy Center to honor Doc Hastings and raise money for him on July 18, 2011. Proudly hosting the event are the three current sitting Republican Kittitas County Commissioners (Alan Crankovich, Obie O'brien, and Paul Jewell), my counterpart on the Republican side, Matt Manweller, and Representative Bill Hinkle. If you've been around Kittitas politics involving land use for some time you may find this particular cast of characters playing in this venue quite ironic.
I'm wondering just exactly what it is that Doc Hastings has ever done to warrant being honored by PSE or anyone else in the wind energy industry? Given that he voted against the stimulus spending and has criticized every form of stimulus spending put forth under the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA) as implemented by the Obama administration except the Highway Transportation Funds, it cannot be a thank you for the recent stimulus funds that PSE received in 2010 to expand the Wild Horse Wind Farm. Or would it be to his general opposition to wind farms when the decision making process is not local, i.e. the EFSEC process leads to a final decision by the governor?
The local control issue is what has led Kittitas County to butt heads with a variety of state agencies. Commissioners Obie O'brien and Alan Crankovich often chant this mantra and have used it in regards to their comments on the wind industry. Exercising "local control" has taken the form of utilizing the prosecutor's office to litigate issues that many voters think should not be litigated. Or, as the independent candidate for Prosecutor in 2010 advocated, at minimum the commissioners should be required to hire their own outside counsel which would result in some small level of transparency as to the cost of such litigation. Right now it is deeply buried in the prosecutor's budget.
I do believe that had there been "local control" there would have been no wind farms in Kittitas County. Ever. And that includes Wild Horse. I have also witnessed more insiduous forms of "local control" which included a blatant threat made by Mr. Manweller against the then executive director of the local economic development group which took the form of advising her if she couldn't control the members of her board (and prevent them from supporting wind farms or bringing recall efforts) she would lose her job. Never mind that in most non-profits the board "controls" the executive.
Perhaps the oddest fellow playing the wind farm venue would be Paul Jewell who ran on a promise to extract royalties from the wind farms and may have won his commissioner seat on the basis of this false premise. Never mind that he was advised both before and after his election that there isn't a legal way to impose a royalty on a wind farm here in Kittitas County. Commissioner Jewell's most recent foray into places the county should not go includes a proposal to enter the water banking business in upper county by buying scarce water rights and allowing for "incidental uses" by certain select private citizens. This screams obvious potential "appearance of fairness" issues. There must be times that Deputy Prosecuting Attorney Neil Caulkins feels like a broken record when telling the commissioners no, no, and no.
Which only leaves Bill Hinkle who I know better than the other cast of characters. I actually do think Bill supported the wind energy industry here but he was late in formulating an independent identity on the issue perhaps due to some fence sitting behind the idea of local control and also due to his personal and political involvement with real estate developers (who by the way are not monolithically Republican) in the county. Of all the Republicans listed, I find his presence at Wild Horse the least incongrous. Which now brings me to rumors of Republicans doing the Roslyn Shuffle.
There is a joke in the Upper Kittitas County town of Roslyn about the dating scene among single adults. There is a limited pool of people to date, and, consequently, it is not unusual for a single resident in Roslyn to date someone who is an ex of a friend or relative, and have that friend or relative dating your ex, or your current partner's ex. This is referred to as the Roslyn shuffle. Rumors have circulated for months as to what Bill Hinkle will do next: He will run for state wide office, he will run for county coroner, etc. The current permutation involves Alan Crankovich resigning early, Bill Hinkle resigning early, Bill being appointed to County Commissioner (interesting because he is an Ex-Kittitas County Commisisoner), Matt Manweller, the current Republican County Party Chair, being appointed to fill Bill's legislative district seat, and so on . . . and some form of sinecure employment somewhere being obtained for Alan Crankovich in exchange for leaving early(interesting because I'd always heard he just wanted to sit long enough to get a minimal number of years in his county pension anyway). All of this occuring against the back drop of redistricting issues and additional rumors regarding more Republican elected officials in the county leaving early.
As a political neophyte and new county chair of the minority party it will be interesting to watch. And, the Doc Hasting event out at Wild Horse may well be the theatre for the announcement of the results of the shuffle and the Republican positioning of candidates for the next election cycle.
Wednesday, June 15, 2011
Democratic Party Boosts Candidates Through Training Workshop and Endorsements
From a June 13, 2011 Press release-Special thanks to first vice chair Beverly Vifian for her assistance in drafting the press release.
June 13, 2011-Ellensburg, Washington: The Kittitas County Democratic Party invites candidates for non-partisan office and anyone interested in running in either non-partisan or partisan offices in the future to attend a training workshop on June 23 at 7:00 pm in the conference room of the Rodeo City Barbecue Restaurant. This hands-on, practical workshop features local presenters, including former Ellensburg City Councilman and Mayor Stan Bassett, Kittitas County Auditor Jerry Pettit, former Alaska campaign manager Steve Williams and others, who will share specific strategies that work. Traditionally, members of the party meet at 6:00 p.m. to share dinner and conversation and the public and workshop attendees are invited to come early for the meal.
Candidates who have applied for one of the seventy non-partisan offices in Kittitas County may also seek early endorsement by submitting a one page request for endorsement by June 22 at 5:00 pm. There is no requirement that a candidate running for non-partisan office identify as a Democrat in order to receive an endorsement. Endorsements are granted by vote of the Precinct Committee Officers in attendance at any meeting in which a vote for endorsement has previously been scheduled. The party may consider additional endorsement requests at the August and September meetings and candidates should immediately request consideration by the party now. Requests should be directed to Theresa Petrey, Chair, Kittitas County Democratic Central Committee, PO Box 1341, Ellesnburg, WA 98926, or via email to
Thursday, March 31, 2011
Book Review: As Always, Julia
With one child in culinary school, I settled in with the movie Julie and Julia a few weeks ago. I enjoyed it thoroughly and Meryl Streep's transformation into Julia Child is both charming and eerily accurate at the same time. Thinking that I would attempt to do what Julie, the character in the movie, did and work my way though Mastering the Art of French Cooking over the course of the next year or so, I went in search of the venerable tome at one of Ellensburg's fine used bookstores. While Brick Road Books did not have a copy, they did have the new collection of the letters between Julia Child and her pen pal, and, ultimately dear friend, Avis DeVoto.
As Always, Julia is remarkable not only for the insight into the making of a cookbook classic, it offers important insights to all Democrats who came of age after the Bay of Pigs as to what life was like during those years, especially for Democratic women. Both Julia and Avis make no attempt to hide their loathing of Senator McCarthy and the anti-communist fervor which some commentators have indicated touched one out of five Americans. Indeed, Paul Child, Julia's husband who was a foreign service officer, was called to Washington to appear for questioning before the House Un-American Activities Committee. As the movie suggests, Paul Child was questioned on the basis that he was a "treasonous homosexual." All indications were that he was a straight man happily married to the love of his life.
The cultural climate was such that a political figure whose gay son was outed, actually took his own life after the revelation ruined his career. Both Avis and Julia mirthfully recalled the "pixie-fairy" incident in the McCarthy hearings wherein McCarthy staffers were gay bashed verbally. This in spite of both the DeVoto and Child families having dear friends who were homosexual men or women. While it would be tempting to think we've gone beyond that in 2011, I'm not entirely certain those attitudes have been eliminated in spite of the expansion of laws against hate crime and speech.
Avis, who was married to a prominent writer of the day, worked in publishing and had many literary friends of her own or due to the work of her husband, also met many political figures and government agency officials. She made it her business to make sure Julia understood the campaigns of Adlai Stevenson and the yearning of Democrats to see him elected. An entire array of other political luminaries and lesser governmental officers provide fodder for Avis to explain the political goings on of the day to the expatriate Julia. Julia in turn provided Avis with the European outlook on American politics which was not positive in regards to the McCarthy hearings with most of the European press being profoundly disturbed and unsettled by the hearings. Both women were not above "smack talking" the Republican opposition.
The book is also a fascinating peek into the world of women forging a way for themselves in a work world that was not accommodating or fair to women. When her husband Bernard died, Avis eventually had to leave publishing and take a more lucrative or at least steady job as a "house" secretary at Harvard. Reading about the house selection procedures was a fascinating glimpse into a world that while it may still exist, seems like something right out of the Harry Potter books. Avis eventually returns to work at Alfred Knopf. It is easy to see the role both women were societally required to play in building or maintaining their husband's careers by entertaining or being entertained.
It was satisfying to finish As Always, Julia on the first night of my foray into Mastering the Art of French Cooking. In the letters between Avis and Julia the stated concerns of the executives at Houghton Mifflin over the size of the book, the style of explanation and the general intimidation level to the American Housewife were laid out ad nauseum. However, they were right. I did feel intimidated, the book did seem too big and it seemed like a lot of trouble to take on these recipes. Add to that the fact that I don't drink and so many of the meat recipes include wine or cognac, I was mentally telling myself this really isn't for me. Then I discovered I was out of milk, onions and had no Swiss cheese in the house. I persevered though and I did roast a chicken (Poulet Roti) and make scalloped potatoes with Meat Stock and Cheese (Gratin Savoyard). The results were absolutely delicious and there will be many more meals with Julia in our house.
As Always, Julia is remarkable not only for the insight into the making of a cookbook classic, it offers important insights to all Democrats who came of age after the Bay of Pigs as to what life was like during those years, especially for Democratic women. Both Julia and Avis make no attempt to hide their loathing of Senator McCarthy and the anti-communist fervor which some commentators have indicated touched one out of five Americans. Indeed, Paul Child, Julia's husband who was a foreign service officer, was called to Washington to appear for questioning before the House Un-American Activities Committee. As the movie suggests, Paul Child was questioned on the basis that he was a "treasonous homosexual." All indications were that he was a straight man happily married to the love of his life.
The cultural climate was such that a political figure whose gay son was outed, actually took his own life after the revelation ruined his career. Both Avis and Julia mirthfully recalled the "pixie-fairy" incident in the McCarthy hearings wherein McCarthy staffers were gay bashed verbally. This in spite of both the DeVoto and Child families having dear friends who were homosexual men or women. While it would be tempting to think we've gone beyond that in 2011, I'm not entirely certain those attitudes have been eliminated in spite of the expansion of laws against hate crime and speech.
Avis, who was married to a prominent writer of the day, worked in publishing and had many literary friends of her own or due to the work of her husband, also met many political figures and government agency officials. She made it her business to make sure Julia understood the campaigns of Adlai Stevenson and the yearning of Democrats to see him elected. An entire array of other political luminaries and lesser governmental officers provide fodder for Avis to explain the political goings on of the day to the expatriate Julia. Julia in turn provided Avis with the European outlook on American politics which was not positive in regards to the McCarthy hearings with most of the European press being profoundly disturbed and unsettled by the hearings. Both women were not above "smack talking" the Republican opposition.
The book is also a fascinating peek into the world of women forging a way for themselves in a work world that was not accommodating or fair to women. When her husband Bernard died, Avis eventually had to leave publishing and take a more lucrative or at least steady job as a "house" secretary at Harvard. Reading about the house selection procedures was a fascinating glimpse into a world that while it may still exist, seems like something right out of the Harry Potter books. Avis eventually returns to work at Alfred Knopf. It is easy to see the role both women were societally required to play in building or maintaining their husband's careers by entertaining or being entertained.
It was satisfying to finish As Always, Julia on the first night of my foray into Mastering the Art of French Cooking. In the letters between Avis and Julia the stated concerns of the executives at Houghton Mifflin over the size of the book, the style of explanation and the general intimidation level to the American Housewife were laid out ad nauseum. However, they were right. I did feel intimidated, the book did seem too big and it seemed like a lot of trouble to take on these recipes. Add to that the fact that I don't drink and so many of the meat recipes include wine or cognac, I was mentally telling myself this really isn't for me. Then I discovered I was out of milk, onions and had no Swiss cheese in the house. I persevered though and I did roast a chicken (Poulet Roti) and make scalloped potatoes with Meat Stock and Cheese (Gratin Savoyard). The results were absolutely delicious and there will be many more meals with Julia in our house.
Thursday, March 10, 2011
Local Democratic Party History-Colin and Margaret Condit
Colin and Margaret are providing our fundraising dinner venue next week on St. Patrick's day, read a few things you may not have known about them in this Daily Record Article.
Many thanks to Willa Lou Brukhetta for hosting and Jay Clough for agreeing to be our Keynote person at this event.
Many thanks to Willa Lou Brukhetta for hosting and Jay Clough for agreeing to be our Keynote person at this event.
Wednesday, January 19, 2011
Scoop Jackson and the Cause of Freedom
"For those who make freedom their cause, Henry Jackson will always inspire honor, courage and hope."-From the Citation accompanying the Medal of Freedom awarded to Scoop by President Ronald Reagan.
Reprinted in full from a History Link essay:
Henry M. (Scoop) Jackson was one of the most successful and powerful politicians in the history of Washington state. Jackson was born and died in Everett, Snohomish County, the rough-edged industrial port on Puget Sound north of Seattle, where he lived in the house where he was born for much of his life (when Congress was not in session). At 28, Jackson entered the United States Congress as its youngest member. He remained there the rest of his life, serving under nine presidents. Jackson never lost an election in Washington, winning six terms in the House of Representatives and six in the Senate, often by record margins. Jackson was the quintessential "Cold War liberal." He was an outspoken and influential advocate of increased military spending and a hard line against the Soviet Union, while supporting social welfare programs, civil rights, and the labor movement. Together with Warren G. Magnuson (1905-1989), with whom he served in the Senate for 28 years, Jackson used his legislative skill and seniority to win the state unprecedented influence in the nation's capital. He guided landmark environmental legislation that greatly expanded wilderness areas and national parks in Washington and across the country, managed the bills that granted statehood to Alaska and Hawaii, and sponsored the law that turned surplus military bases into parks in Seattle and elsewhere.
Raised in Everett
Henry Martin Jackson was born on May 31, 1912, in the home of his parents Peter and Marine Jackson at 3602 Oakes Street in Everett. Both parents were immigrants from Norway. Peter Jackson was born Peter Gresseth, and changed his name when he immigrated. He met Marine Anderson at the Lutheran church in Everett, where they were married in 1897.
Henry was the fifth and last of the Jackson children. He had three sisters -- Gertrude, Agnes (who died before Henry was three), and Marie -- and one brother, Arthur. Gertrude, the oldest, 14 when Henry was born, was particularly close to Henry. It was Gert who gave young Henry the enduring nickname "Scoop." The name came from a comic strip character, a newspaper reporter who got others to do his work for him, which reminded Gert of her little brother's ability to avoid chores. Gertrude, who taught at Everett's Garfield Elementary School for many years, helped pay Henry's way through college and law school. She was an enthusiastic campaigner when he ran for office, and advised him throughout his political career. Neither Gertrude nor Marie married, and both lived in the Oakes Street house until their deaths some months apart in 1969.
In junior high and high school, Jackson participated on the debate team and told classmates he hoped to be a senator some day. He went to college and law school at the University of Washington, graduating from law school in 1935.
A Crusading Prosecutor
Jackson returned to Everett and worked for the Federal Emergency Relief Administration (FERA) while waiting for his bar exam results. His relief work made him an enthusiastic supporter of the New Deal policies of Franklin D. Roosevelt (1882-1945) and a lifelong believer in the ability of government to improve people's lives. At FERA, Jackson developed a close friendship with John Salter, a natural political strategist who played a key role in his early career.
In 1936, having passed the bar, Jackson went to work for Lloyd Black, a well-known Everett attorney and Democratic politician. Black, who became a superior court judge in 1937, encouraged Jackson when the 26-year-old lawyer considered running for Snohomish County prosecuting attorney in 1938.
The Democratic incumbent, Al Swanson, had a drinking problem and was widely blamed for the corruption that flourished in post-Prohibition Snohomish County, where illegal drinking, gambling, and prostitution establishments operated openly. Jackson's successful campaign, which Salter managed, relied on door-to-door canvassing by a corps of largely youthful volunteers, Jackson's sister Gertrude foremost among them. In office, Jackson garnered publicity as a crusading prosecutor, running pinball machines out of the county and leading well-publicized raids against bootlegging and gambling establishments.
Youngest Member of Congress
Two years later, a new political opportunity arose. Mon Wallgren, the popular Everett jeweler who represented Washington's Second District in the United States House of Representatives, gave up his seat to run for the Senate. Salter managed Jackson's campaign for the House seat, relying again on young volunteers and door-to-door campaigning, as well as on advertisements touting Jackson's prosecutorial success -- "Vote for a Man Who Has the Courage of his Convictions" (Kaufman, 30). Jackson beat five opponents in the Democratic primary, and won the general election in the Roosevelt landslide. In January, 1941, taking Salter as his administrative assistant, the 28-year-old Jackson became the youngest member of the United States Congress.
World War II dominated Jackson's first two terms in the House of Representatives. Draft age and single, Jackson felt political pressure to join the army, which he did, as a private. However, he spent only a few months on active duty before the president required Congressmen to either leave active duty or give up their seats. Like many but not all West Coast politicians, Jackson strongly supported the wartime policy of removing Japanese Americans from their homes to internment camps, a constitutional abuse which has subsequently been generally regretted.
The 1946 election brought the closest of the 13 straight victories that comprised Jackson's electoral career. A backlash against the Democrats led to Republican gains across the country. Jackson held his seat with 53 percent of the vote against the same Republican he had easily defeated in the three previous elections, but Republicans won every other House of Representatives race in the Pacific Northwest.
In the House, Jackson staked out positions he would hold throughout his career. On domestic, especially economic, issues he was resolutely liberal, a strong supporter of the New Deal and the Fair Deal of President Harry Truman (1884-1972). In part inspired by the example of Norway and other Scandinavian countries, Jackson advocated for national health insurance and publicly owned power systems. On foreign policy, he backed the Truman administration, which saw the Soviet Union as the primary post-war threat to American interests, and sought to "contain" the growing "Communist menace."
Into the Senate
In 1952, Jackson decided to take on Republican Senator Harry P. Cain and announced his candidacy on his 40th birthday. Cain had entered politics as a liberal Democrat. As Mayor of Tacoma, he was one of very few western politicians who opposed Japanese internment. Cain then joined the military, and while serving as a paratrooper in Europe, won the Republican nomination in the 1944 Senate race, losing the general election to Warren Magnuson. Two years later, in the 1946 Republican landslide, Cain won the Senate seat that Mon Wallgren had given up to run for governor in 1944, defeating Wallgren's appointed successor Hugh Mitchell. In the Senate, Cain allied himself with "red-baiting" Republican Senator Joseph McCarthy (1908-1957), established an erratic record, and was widely considered to be among the least competent senators.
Jackson fiercely attacked Cain's performance. Cain responded by using McCarthy-style tactics against Jackson, even bringing McCarthy to Seattle to campaign for him. It did not help Cain. Salter assembled a strong staff that ran an innovative media campaign. Washington's senior senator, Warren Magnuson, who had served with Jackson in the House before winning his Senate seat, lent his support and staff to Jackson's campaign, establishing a pattern of cooperation between the two that would last throughout the 28 years they spent in the Senate together. Despite another Republican landslide, headed this time by Dwight Eisenhower (1890-1969), Jackson handily defeated Cain.
As a freshman senator, Jackson got his first taste of national publicity when he played a subsidiary role in the Army-McCarthy hearings where Joseph McCarthy met his downfall. While repudiating McCarthy's tactics and his grossly exaggerated allegations, Jackson, along with other Democrats, criticized the Eisenhower administration for what they considered insufficient spending on defense against the Soviet Union, particularly on intercontinental ballistic missiles. Jackson's avid support for nuclear weapons brought the first -- but not the last -- challenge from the left wing of his own party, when Seattle peace activist Alice Franklin Bryant unsuccessfully opposed him in the 1958 Democratic primary. By the late 1950s, Jackson was labeled the "Senator from Boeing" by some who disapproved of his constant support for more weapons systems.
In 1958 Jackson used his position as chair of the Interior Committee's Subcommittee on Territories to lead the fight for the successful bill granting statehood to Alaska, a cause that Jackson, Magnuson, and other Washington politicians had long supported, but which was opposed by various powerful interests. The following year, Jackson managed the bill that made Hawaii a state. At the 1960 Democratic convention, Jackson was a leading candidate to be John F. Kennedy's vice presidential choice, but Kennedy ultimately selected Lyndon Johnson, the Senate Majority Leader from Texas and a key Southern ally.
Marriage and Family
For Jackson, 1961 brought not only the inauguration of Kennedy's New Frontier, but a major personal change. At 48, the senator was still considered one of the capital's most eligible bachelors, although Jackson, conservative and conventional in his social life, was certainly not known for a playboy lifestyle, as were some single colleagues such as Magnuson. Jackson met 28-year-old Helen Hardin, a receptionist in the office of New Mexico Senator Clinton Anderson, in early 1961, and they married on December 16, 1961.
They had two children, Anna Marie in 1963, and Peter in 1966. The Jacksons had a home in Washington, D.C., but in Everett they continued to live, as Jackson had all his life, with his sisters in the Oakes Street house where he was born. They acquired their own home in Everett in 1967, when Jackson purchased the mansion at 1703 Grand Avenue that in his youth had been the home of a leading banker. This home is now listed on the National Register of Historic Places.
Environmental Protection
Jackson became chair of the Senate's Interior Committee in 1963, and in that position shepherded passage of much of the significant environmental legislation of the 1960s. The Wilderness Act of 1964 protected 9 million acres of wilderness land, and created the procedure for protecting additional land by designating it as wilderness. Other bills established national seashores and protected wild and scenic rivers. In 1968, Jackson won passage of bills creating North Cascades National Park in North Central Washington and Redwood National Park in California.
In many ways, Jackson's most far-reaching contribution was the 1969 National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA), which required preparation of an Environmental Impact Statement assessing potential impacts to the environment before any federal project was approved, and which became a model for similar legislation in Washington and other states. Neither Jackson nor anyone else foresaw that the Environmental Impact Statement requirement would become a powerful tool for those seeking to halt, delay, or modify projects they considered harmful to the environment, and Jackson subsequently had mixed feelings when his bill was used to oppose projects such as the I-90 Freeway and the Alaska oil pipeline that he supported.
At the time, the environmental achievements of the 1960s were overshadowed by the increasingly bitter national debate over the war in Vietnam. Following President Kennedy's assassination, President Lyndon Johnson (1908-1973) and the advisors he inherited began to escalate American combat involvement in Vietnam. Jackson, like Kennedy and Johnson, saw Vietnam as a key Cold War battlefield, and he remained a dogged supporter of the administration's Vietnam policy even when many other Democrats began calling for an end to American involvement.
Fort Lawton and the ABM
Jackson, along with conservative southern senators, pressured the administration to develop an anti-ballistic missile (ABM) system that was supposed to protect American targets from a nuclear missile attack. Johnson agreed, and Fort Lawton, a military base in Seattle, was selected in 1967 as one of the ABM locations. This triggered a storm of protest from constituents that put Jackson in a bind. Seattle residents were looking forward to having under-utilized Fort Lawton become a park, and they feared the ABM installation would make the city a prime target for attack. Jackson tried to defuse the opposition by convincing the Army to move the ABM site across Puget Sound to Bainbridge Island and Port Gamble, but residents there were equally opposed.
When Richard Nixon (1913-1994) succeeded Johnson as president in 1969, Jackson persuaded him to place ABM missile sites in lightly populated areas, thus keeping them from Puget Sound altogether. By then many senators, including Magnuson, opposed the ABM, but Jackson led the fight to preserve the program, winning close votes in 1969 and 1970.
With Fort Lawton safe from the ABM, Jackson sought to mollify his Seattle critics by making the surplus military installation available for a park. He pushed through the Federal Lands for Parks and Recreation Act, which made surplus federal land in metropolitan areas available for parks at little or no cost to local authorities. Cities across the country used the act to acquire federal property as parks. However, Jackson's position triggered another controversy over Fort Lawton. Northwest Indian leaders who wanted to reclaim the site as an Indian cultural center were angered by Jackson's apparent decision to give the property to Seattle. In 1970, Indian activists and supporters "invaded" the fort and staged a sit-in to highlight their demands. They were soon removed but the controversy continued until a compromise, which Jackson helped broker, gave most of Fort Lawton to Seattle as Discovery Park, on condition that 20 acres be leased to United Indians of All Tribes, who opened the Daybreak Star Cultural Center there in 1977.
A Primary Challenge
In 1970, as in 1958, Jackson faced a challenge from his own party. Aided by some national anti-war figures, left wing Democrats mounted a concerted attack on Jackson in the 1970 primary. Their candidate was Carl Maxey, a lawyer and civil rights leader from Spokane, who fiercely denounced Jackson's support for the war and military spending. Maxey was one of the first African American politicians to run for statewide office in Washington. The Maxey forces won some victories in party conventions, but Jackson retained his popularity with voters and racked up record margins over both Maxey and his subsequent Republican opponent, Charles Elicker.
Jackson opposed the policy of detente with the Soviet Union that Nixon pursued. He did, however, endorse Nixon's efforts to improve relations with the Communist government of China. In sharp contrast to his position on the Soviet Union, Jackson came to believe that maintaining closer diplomatic and trade ties was the best approach to China. Between 1974 and his death in 1983, Jackson made four official visits to China, where he was warmly welcomed by Chinese leaders.
Jackson also had a close relationship with Israel and its leaders. By the 1970s Jackson was the leading Congressional supporter of increased military aid to Israel. He co-sponsored the Jackson-Vanik amendment, which responded to Soviet restrictions on emigration of Jewish Soviet citizens to Israel by linking increased trade between the U.S. and Soviet Union to lifting emigration restrictions.
Running for President
In 1972, Jackson launched the first of his two attempts to win the Democratic presidential nomination, but managed to win only the Washington state caucuses. In 1976, Jackson mounted a better prepared attempt at the nomination. He was the early frontrunner, and won several primaries, but dropped out of the race after losing the crucial Pennsylvania primary to Jimmy Carter (b. 1924). His campaign was dogged by the hostility of the Party's left wing and by allegations of illegal contributions by Boeing and other elements of the "military-industrial complex."
The elements that made Jackson the most successful vote-getter in the history of the state did not work as well in the national primaries. Unremarkable at best as a public speaker, Jackson was an excellent one-on-one campaigner, with a remarkable ability (assisted by detailed notes) to remember voters' names and important personal information. Over the years, he and his staff built up numerous political connections throughout the state. Community leaders, newspaper writers, and average voters all referred to Jackson simply as Scoop, and felt a personal connection to him. Jackson was not able to make the same connection with voters across the country in the short time-frame of the presidential primaries.
Neoconservative Legacy
Jackson's hard line on the Soviet Union and his strong support for Israel made him a favorite of an increasingly influential group of formerly liberal but strongly anti-Communist intellectuals and politicians who came to be known as the neoconservatives. Many neoconservatives who supported Jackson's presidential bids gravitated to Ronald Reagan (1911-2004) and the Republican party after Jackson's defeats. Among these were Richard Perle, a longtime Jackson staffer who worked under Dorothy Fosdick, Jackson's top foreign policy adviser, and Paul Wolfowitz, another member of the Jackson circle, both of whom went on to play prominent roles developing Middle East policy in the George W. Bush administration.
Jackson presaged Reagan's foreign policy when he openly opposed Jimmy Carter's attempts at expanding detente with the Soviet Union. Jackson, who had only reluctantly supported arms control treaties negotiated by Kennedy and Nixon, repudiated the SALT (Strategic Arms Limitations Talks) II Treaty that Carter negotiated, and led the Senate forces that prevented its ratification. Jackson was not sorry when Carter lost to Reagan, although he was saddened that the Reagan landslide defeated many Democratic senators, including Magnuson, leaving the Senate in Republican control for the first time since early in Jackson's first term.
End of an Era
Magnuson's defeat, and the Democrats' loss of Senate control, ended a lengthy era in which Jackson and Magnuson teamed to give Washington unprecedented influence in the U.S. Senate. The two senators had very different temperaments, and were not personally close, but they shared a dedication to serving their constituents. Both were skilled legislators and had powerful chairmanships, Jackson on the Interior Committee and Magnuson on Appropriations. "Scoop and Maggie," as they were known, repeatedly brought the state its share and then some of federal expenditures. Ironically, one of their highest profile battles on behalf of Washington interests, the unsuccessful 1971 effort to continue funding for Boeing's controversial supersonic transport (SST), was one of the few major legislative defeats that either senator suffered.
Henry Jackson easily won his sixth Senate term in 1982, defeating Republican Douglas Jewett with 69 percent of the vote. Jackson turned 71 in May 1983, but was known for his healthy lifestyle and appeared vigorous and fit. As a result, his sudden death on September 1, 1983, was a shock. Perhaps fittingly, his final public appearance was a press conference in which he denounced the recent downing of Korean Airlines (KAL) Flight 007 by a Soviet jet. In the evening Jackson suffered a ruptured aorta at his Everett home and died within hours despite intense efforts to save him.
Governor John Spellman (b. 1926) appointed former governor Daniel Evans (b. 1925) to Jackson's seat, and Evans defeated Congressman Mike Lowry in a subsequent special election to complete Jackson's term. In the months and years that followed his death, Jackson received many honors. A Trident submarine and the new federal office building in Seattle were named for him. The University of Washington renamed its School of International Studies in his honor, and a private foundation was later organized to promote his legacy. Congress, under the provisions of the Wilderness Act Jackson helped pass, designated more than 100,000 acres in the scenic Cascade Mountains of eastern Snohomish County and western Chelan County as the Henry M. Jackson Wilderness. The Port of Seattle Commission also voted to rename Seattle-Tacoma International Airport for Jackson, but quickly retreated due to protests from Tacoma.
Thus, Henry M. Jackson's work survives in much groundbreaking progressive legislation, in an empowered environmental movement, in numerous public improvements throughout and beyond Washington state, in the current influence of policy makers he mentored, and in the ultimate collapse of the Soviet Union's Stalinist government and the opening of post-Maoist China. He would have much to be proud of were he alive today.
Reprinted in full from a History Link essay:
Henry M. (Scoop) Jackson was one of the most successful and powerful politicians in the history of Washington state. Jackson was born and died in Everett, Snohomish County, the rough-edged industrial port on Puget Sound north of Seattle, where he lived in the house where he was born for much of his life (when Congress was not in session). At 28, Jackson entered the United States Congress as its youngest member. He remained there the rest of his life, serving under nine presidents. Jackson never lost an election in Washington, winning six terms in the House of Representatives and six in the Senate, often by record margins. Jackson was the quintessential "Cold War liberal." He was an outspoken and influential advocate of increased military spending and a hard line against the Soviet Union, while supporting social welfare programs, civil rights, and the labor movement. Together with Warren G. Magnuson (1905-1989), with whom he served in the Senate for 28 years, Jackson used his legislative skill and seniority to win the state unprecedented influence in the nation's capital. He guided landmark environmental legislation that greatly expanded wilderness areas and national parks in Washington and across the country, managed the bills that granted statehood to Alaska and Hawaii, and sponsored the law that turned surplus military bases into parks in Seattle and elsewhere.
Raised in Everett
Henry Martin Jackson was born on May 31, 1912, in the home of his parents Peter and Marine Jackson at 3602 Oakes Street in Everett. Both parents were immigrants from Norway. Peter Jackson was born Peter Gresseth, and changed his name when he immigrated. He met Marine Anderson at the Lutheran church in Everett, where they were married in 1897.
Henry was the fifth and last of the Jackson children. He had three sisters -- Gertrude, Agnes (who died before Henry was three), and Marie -- and one brother, Arthur. Gertrude, the oldest, 14 when Henry was born, was particularly close to Henry. It was Gert who gave young Henry the enduring nickname "Scoop." The name came from a comic strip character, a newspaper reporter who got others to do his work for him, which reminded Gert of her little brother's ability to avoid chores. Gertrude, who taught at Everett's Garfield Elementary School for many years, helped pay Henry's way through college and law school. She was an enthusiastic campaigner when he ran for office, and advised him throughout his political career. Neither Gertrude nor Marie married, and both lived in the Oakes Street house until their deaths some months apart in 1969.
In junior high and high school, Jackson participated on the debate team and told classmates he hoped to be a senator some day. He went to college and law school at the University of Washington, graduating from law school in 1935.
A Crusading Prosecutor
Jackson returned to Everett and worked for the Federal Emergency Relief Administration (FERA) while waiting for his bar exam results. His relief work made him an enthusiastic supporter of the New Deal policies of Franklin D. Roosevelt (1882-1945) and a lifelong believer in the ability of government to improve people's lives. At FERA, Jackson developed a close friendship with John Salter, a natural political strategist who played a key role in his early career.
In 1936, having passed the bar, Jackson went to work for Lloyd Black, a well-known Everett attorney and Democratic politician. Black, who became a superior court judge in 1937, encouraged Jackson when the 26-year-old lawyer considered running for Snohomish County prosecuting attorney in 1938.
The Democratic incumbent, Al Swanson, had a drinking problem and was widely blamed for the corruption that flourished in post-Prohibition Snohomish County, where illegal drinking, gambling, and prostitution establishments operated openly. Jackson's successful campaign, which Salter managed, relied on door-to-door canvassing by a corps of largely youthful volunteers, Jackson's sister Gertrude foremost among them. In office, Jackson garnered publicity as a crusading prosecutor, running pinball machines out of the county and leading well-publicized raids against bootlegging and gambling establishments.
Youngest Member of Congress
Two years later, a new political opportunity arose. Mon Wallgren, the popular Everett jeweler who represented Washington's Second District in the United States House of Representatives, gave up his seat to run for the Senate. Salter managed Jackson's campaign for the House seat, relying again on young volunteers and door-to-door campaigning, as well as on advertisements touting Jackson's prosecutorial success -- "Vote for a Man Who Has the Courage of his Convictions" (Kaufman, 30). Jackson beat five opponents in the Democratic primary, and won the general election in the Roosevelt landslide. In January, 1941, taking Salter as his administrative assistant, the 28-year-old Jackson became the youngest member of the United States Congress.
World War II dominated Jackson's first two terms in the House of Representatives. Draft age and single, Jackson felt political pressure to join the army, which he did, as a private. However, he spent only a few months on active duty before the president required Congressmen to either leave active duty or give up their seats. Like many but not all West Coast politicians, Jackson strongly supported the wartime policy of removing Japanese Americans from their homes to internment camps, a constitutional abuse which has subsequently been generally regretted.
The 1946 election brought the closest of the 13 straight victories that comprised Jackson's electoral career. A backlash against the Democrats led to Republican gains across the country. Jackson held his seat with 53 percent of the vote against the same Republican he had easily defeated in the three previous elections, but Republicans won every other House of Representatives race in the Pacific Northwest.
In the House, Jackson staked out positions he would hold throughout his career. On domestic, especially economic, issues he was resolutely liberal, a strong supporter of the New Deal and the Fair Deal of President Harry Truman (1884-1972). In part inspired by the example of Norway and other Scandinavian countries, Jackson advocated for national health insurance and publicly owned power systems. On foreign policy, he backed the Truman administration, which saw the Soviet Union as the primary post-war threat to American interests, and sought to "contain" the growing "Communist menace."
Into the Senate
In 1952, Jackson decided to take on Republican Senator Harry P. Cain and announced his candidacy on his 40th birthday. Cain had entered politics as a liberal Democrat. As Mayor of Tacoma, he was one of very few western politicians who opposed Japanese internment. Cain then joined the military, and while serving as a paratrooper in Europe, won the Republican nomination in the 1944 Senate race, losing the general election to Warren Magnuson. Two years later, in the 1946 Republican landslide, Cain won the Senate seat that Mon Wallgren had given up to run for governor in 1944, defeating Wallgren's appointed successor Hugh Mitchell. In the Senate, Cain allied himself with "red-baiting" Republican Senator Joseph McCarthy (1908-1957), established an erratic record, and was widely considered to be among the least competent senators.
Jackson fiercely attacked Cain's performance. Cain responded by using McCarthy-style tactics against Jackson, even bringing McCarthy to Seattle to campaign for him. It did not help Cain. Salter assembled a strong staff that ran an innovative media campaign. Washington's senior senator, Warren Magnuson, who had served with Jackson in the House before winning his Senate seat, lent his support and staff to Jackson's campaign, establishing a pattern of cooperation between the two that would last throughout the 28 years they spent in the Senate together. Despite another Republican landslide, headed this time by Dwight Eisenhower (1890-1969), Jackson handily defeated Cain.
As a freshman senator, Jackson got his first taste of national publicity when he played a subsidiary role in the Army-McCarthy hearings where Joseph McCarthy met his downfall. While repudiating McCarthy's tactics and his grossly exaggerated allegations, Jackson, along with other Democrats, criticized the Eisenhower administration for what they considered insufficient spending on defense against the Soviet Union, particularly on intercontinental ballistic missiles. Jackson's avid support for nuclear weapons brought the first -- but not the last -- challenge from the left wing of his own party, when Seattle peace activist Alice Franklin Bryant unsuccessfully opposed him in the 1958 Democratic primary. By the late 1950s, Jackson was labeled the "Senator from Boeing" by some who disapproved of his constant support for more weapons systems.
In 1958 Jackson used his position as chair of the Interior Committee's Subcommittee on Territories to lead the fight for the successful bill granting statehood to Alaska, a cause that Jackson, Magnuson, and other Washington politicians had long supported, but which was opposed by various powerful interests. The following year, Jackson managed the bill that made Hawaii a state. At the 1960 Democratic convention, Jackson was a leading candidate to be John F. Kennedy's vice presidential choice, but Kennedy ultimately selected Lyndon Johnson, the Senate Majority Leader from Texas and a key Southern ally.
Marriage and Family
For Jackson, 1961 brought not only the inauguration of Kennedy's New Frontier, but a major personal change. At 48, the senator was still considered one of the capital's most eligible bachelors, although Jackson, conservative and conventional in his social life, was certainly not known for a playboy lifestyle, as were some single colleagues such as Magnuson. Jackson met 28-year-old Helen Hardin, a receptionist in the office of New Mexico Senator Clinton Anderson, in early 1961, and they married on December 16, 1961.
They had two children, Anna Marie in 1963, and Peter in 1966. The Jacksons had a home in Washington, D.C., but in Everett they continued to live, as Jackson had all his life, with his sisters in the Oakes Street house where he was born. They acquired their own home in Everett in 1967, when Jackson purchased the mansion at 1703 Grand Avenue that in his youth had been the home of a leading banker. This home is now listed on the National Register of Historic Places.
Environmental Protection
Jackson became chair of the Senate's Interior Committee in 1963, and in that position shepherded passage of much of the significant environmental legislation of the 1960s. The Wilderness Act of 1964 protected 9 million acres of wilderness land, and created the procedure for protecting additional land by designating it as wilderness. Other bills established national seashores and protected wild and scenic rivers. In 1968, Jackson won passage of bills creating North Cascades National Park in North Central Washington and Redwood National Park in California.
In many ways, Jackson's most far-reaching contribution was the 1969 National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA), which required preparation of an Environmental Impact Statement assessing potential impacts to the environment before any federal project was approved, and which became a model for similar legislation in Washington and other states. Neither Jackson nor anyone else foresaw that the Environmental Impact Statement requirement would become a powerful tool for those seeking to halt, delay, or modify projects they considered harmful to the environment, and Jackson subsequently had mixed feelings when his bill was used to oppose projects such as the I-90 Freeway and the Alaska oil pipeline that he supported.
At the time, the environmental achievements of the 1960s were overshadowed by the increasingly bitter national debate over the war in Vietnam. Following President Kennedy's assassination, President Lyndon Johnson (1908-1973) and the advisors he inherited began to escalate American combat involvement in Vietnam. Jackson, like Kennedy and Johnson, saw Vietnam as a key Cold War battlefield, and he remained a dogged supporter of the administration's Vietnam policy even when many other Democrats began calling for an end to American involvement.
Fort Lawton and the ABM
Jackson, along with conservative southern senators, pressured the administration to develop an anti-ballistic missile (ABM) system that was supposed to protect American targets from a nuclear missile attack. Johnson agreed, and Fort Lawton, a military base in Seattle, was selected in 1967 as one of the ABM locations. This triggered a storm of protest from constituents that put Jackson in a bind. Seattle residents were looking forward to having under-utilized Fort Lawton become a park, and they feared the ABM installation would make the city a prime target for attack. Jackson tried to defuse the opposition by convincing the Army to move the ABM site across Puget Sound to Bainbridge Island and Port Gamble, but residents there were equally opposed.
When Richard Nixon (1913-1994) succeeded Johnson as president in 1969, Jackson persuaded him to place ABM missile sites in lightly populated areas, thus keeping them from Puget Sound altogether. By then many senators, including Magnuson, opposed the ABM, but Jackson led the fight to preserve the program, winning close votes in 1969 and 1970.
With Fort Lawton safe from the ABM, Jackson sought to mollify his Seattle critics by making the surplus military installation available for a park. He pushed through the Federal Lands for Parks and Recreation Act, which made surplus federal land in metropolitan areas available for parks at little or no cost to local authorities. Cities across the country used the act to acquire federal property as parks. However, Jackson's position triggered another controversy over Fort Lawton. Northwest Indian leaders who wanted to reclaim the site as an Indian cultural center were angered by Jackson's apparent decision to give the property to Seattle. In 1970, Indian activists and supporters "invaded" the fort and staged a sit-in to highlight their demands. They were soon removed but the controversy continued until a compromise, which Jackson helped broker, gave most of Fort Lawton to Seattle as Discovery Park, on condition that 20 acres be leased to United Indians of All Tribes, who opened the Daybreak Star Cultural Center there in 1977.
A Primary Challenge
In 1970, as in 1958, Jackson faced a challenge from his own party. Aided by some national anti-war figures, left wing Democrats mounted a concerted attack on Jackson in the 1970 primary. Their candidate was Carl Maxey, a lawyer and civil rights leader from Spokane, who fiercely denounced Jackson's support for the war and military spending. Maxey was one of the first African American politicians to run for statewide office in Washington. The Maxey forces won some victories in party conventions, but Jackson retained his popularity with voters and racked up record margins over both Maxey and his subsequent Republican opponent, Charles Elicker.
Jackson opposed the policy of detente with the Soviet Union that Nixon pursued. He did, however, endorse Nixon's efforts to improve relations with the Communist government of China. In sharp contrast to his position on the Soviet Union, Jackson came to believe that maintaining closer diplomatic and trade ties was the best approach to China. Between 1974 and his death in 1983, Jackson made four official visits to China, where he was warmly welcomed by Chinese leaders.
Jackson also had a close relationship with Israel and its leaders. By the 1970s Jackson was the leading Congressional supporter of increased military aid to Israel. He co-sponsored the Jackson-Vanik amendment, which responded to Soviet restrictions on emigration of Jewish Soviet citizens to Israel by linking increased trade between the U.S. and Soviet Union to lifting emigration restrictions.
Running for President
In 1972, Jackson launched the first of his two attempts to win the Democratic presidential nomination, but managed to win only the Washington state caucuses. In 1976, Jackson mounted a better prepared attempt at the nomination. He was the early frontrunner, and won several primaries, but dropped out of the race after losing the crucial Pennsylvania primary to Jimmy Carter (b. 1924). His campaign was dogged by the hostility of the Party's left wing and by allegations of illegal contributions by Boeing and other elements of the "military-industrial complex."
The elements that made Jackson the most successful vote-getter in the history of the state did not work as well in the national primaries. Unremarkable at best as a public speaker, Jackson was an excellent one-on-one campaigner, with a remarkable ability (assisted by detailed notes) to remember voters' names and important personal information. Over the years, he and his staff built up numerous political connections throughout the state. Community leaders, newspaper writers, and average voters all referred to Jackson simply as Scoop, and felt a personal connection to him. Jackson was not able to make the same connection with voters across the country in the short time-frame of the presidential primaries.
Neoconservative Legacy
Jackson's hard line on the Soviet Union and his strong support for Israel made him a favorite of an increasingly influential group of formerly liberal but strongly anti-Communist intellectuals and politicians who came to be known as the neoconservatives. Many neoconservatives who supported Jackson's presidential bids gravitated to Ronald Reagan (1911-2004) and the Republican party after Jackson's defeats. Among these were Richard Perle, a longtime Jackson staffer who worked under Dorothy Fosdick, Jackson's top foreign policy adviser, and Paul Wolfowitz, another member of the Jackson circle, both of whom went on to play prominent roles developing Middle East policy in the George W. Bush administration.
Jackson presaged Reagan's foreign policy when he openly opposed Jimmy Carter's attempts at expanding detente with the Soviet Union. Jackson, who had only reluctantly supported arms control treaties negotiated by Kennedy and Nixon, repudiated the SALT (Strategic Arms Limitations Talks) II Treaty that Carter negotiated, and led the Senate forces that prevented its ratification. Jackson was not sorry when Carter lost to Reagan, although he was saddened that the Reagan landslide defeated many Democratic senators, including Magnuson, leaving the Senate in Republican control for the first time since early in Jackson's first term.
End of an Era
Magnuson's defeat, and the Democrats' loss of Senate control, ended a lengthy era in which Jackson and Magnuson teamed to give Washington unprecedented influence in the U.S. Senate. The two senators had very different temperaments, and were not personally close, but they shared a dedication to serving their constituents. Both were skilled legislators and had powerful chairmanships, Jackson on the Interior Committee and Magnuson on Appropriations. "Scoop and Maggie," as they were known, repeatedly brought the state its share and then some of federal expenditures. Ironically, one of their highest profile battles on behalf of Washington interests, the unsuccessful 1971 effort to continue funding for Boeing's controversial supersonic transport (SST), was one of the few major legislative defeats that either senator suffered.
Henry Jackson easily won his sixth Senate term in 1982, defeating Republican Douglas Jewett with 69 percent of the vote. Jackson turned 71 in May 1983, but was known for his healthy lifestyle and appeared vigorous and fit. As a result, his sudden death on September 1, 1983, was a shock. Perhaps fittingly, his final public appearance was a press conference in which he denounced the recent downing of Korean Airlines (KAL) Flight 007 by a Soviet jet. In the evening Jackson suffered a ruptured aorta at his Everett home and died within hours despite intense efforts to save him.
Governor John Spellman (b. 1926) appointed former governor Daniel Evans (b. 1925) to Jackson's seat, and Evans defeated Congressman Mike Lowry in a subsequent special election to complete Jackson's term. In the months and years that followed his death, Jackson received many honors. A Trident submarine and the new federal office building in Seattle were named for him. The University of Washington renamed its School of International Studies in his honor, and a private foundation was later organized to promote his legacy. Congress, under the provisions of the Wilderness Act Jackson helped pass, designated more than 100,000 acres in the scenic Cascade Mountains of eastern Snohomish County and western Chelan County as the Henry M. Jackson Wilderness. The Port of Seattle Commission also voted to rename Seattle-Tacoma International Airport for Jackson, but quickly retreated due to protests from Tacoma.
Thus, Henry M. Jackson's work survives in much groundbreaking progressive legislation, in an empowered environmental movement, in numerous public improvements throughout and beyond Washington state, in the current influence of policy makers he mentored, and in the ultimate collapse of the Soviet Union's Stalinist government and the opening of post-Maoist China. He would have much to be proud of were he alive today.
Sources:
Robert G. Kaufman, Henry M. Jackson: A Life in Politics (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2000); Peter J. Ognibene, Scoop: The Life and Politics of Henry M. Jackson (New York: Stein and Day, 1975); William W. Prochnau and Richard W. Larsen, A Certain Democrat: Senator Henry M. Jackson (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1972); Byron Acohido, "Scoop Calls Downing of Jet an Outrage ...," The Herald, September 1, 1983, p. 2-A; Mark Funk, "Sen. Jackson, Everett's Favorite Son, Is Dead of Heart Attack at 71," Ibid., September 2, 1983, pp. 1 & 8-A; Jim Muhlstein, "Medics Worked Intensely to Save a Big Man," Ibid.; "Milestones Were Many in Henry Jackson's Career," Ibid., p. 2-B; Mike Barber, "500 Gather at Daybreak Star to Honor Northwest Indian Leader," Seattle Post-Intelligencer, July 21, 2000, Website accessed August 6, 2003 (http://seattlepi.nwsource.com); "Henry M. Jackson Wilderness Area," The Wilderness Information Network, Website accessed July 10, 2003 (http://www.wilderness.net/ nwps/wild_view.cfm?wname=Henry%20M%2E%20Jackson) By Kit Oldham, August 19, 2003Sunday, January 9, 2011
There Is No Place for Violence and Threats in a Democracy
Before attending yesterday's Washington 4th Congressional District Committee Meeting in Yakima, if I had ever heard of Democratic Congresswoman Gabrielle Giffords, I couldn't remember that moment.
For me hearing of the attempt on her life, having just found a seat at the Yakima Democratic Headquarters in preparation for my first foray into political involvement beyond Kittitas County, this will be one of those frozen in time memories which include listening to the radio and hearing the reports of small planes flying into the the two towers on 9/11, hearing that Bay Bridge collapsed into the San Francisco Bay while I was at work in a grocery store in Placerville, California, and, again at work in an Insurance Firm in Emeryville, California watching news reports of the Space Shuttle Challenger exploding. Yesterday will also be memorable because moments before, as I was walking into the meeting, I saw a woman carrying a rifle bag (I did not know there was a gun and pawn shop nearby) and just for a moment, I did stop to ponder what her intent might be.
Assassinations and assassination attempts are, unfortunately, part of the fabric of American history. There is no escaping our past which includes the shooting of President Abraham Lincoln, the shooting of John F. Kennedy, the shooting of George Wallace, the shooting of Bobby Kennedy, the shooting of Martin Luther King, the shooting of Ronald Reagan and the shooting of John Lennon. No discussion of political violence would be complete without at least touching on the bombing of the Murrow building in Oklahoma City carried out by Timothy McVeigh with some assistance from a few other politically frustrated friends. We are all too well acquainted with this type of violent and wanton taking of human life.
In this past month since unexpectedly becoming more involved in local party politics, I've wrestled with how to best deal with difficult issues of political discourse that could come up here locally. Our community has a recent black eye in the Manweller-Huber fisticuffs that evolved out of several acts of free speech. While I do not wish to reopen that can of worms, and I am, of course, extremely sympathetic to the Huber family, I am also concerned about not seeing a repeat on any member of the Democratic Party's part in this county.
I know many of the members of the Republican Party (and, even, Tea Partiers) here quite well, and, many I also count as not only good friends, but dear friends. I also know that realistically, there will be moments of vitriol, of passion, possibly of stupidity, possibly of disingenuous commentary or behavior that is otherwise unsavory. But I ask that our people, the Democrats, stand tall, not take personal offense even when it is warranted, and move forward with the critical tasks of rebuilding our party's infrastructure, telling our story of the good works the Democrats have done in the past and will do for Central Washington in the future, and reaching out to serve our Kittitas County community members of all political persuasions. Let us do our part to build a positive democracy here locally without violence, threats and, simply put, with respect for all, even when we passionately disagree with them or the way they express themselves.
Keith Olbermann's Call to Political Leaders and Pundits to Repudiate Violence and Threats
Sunday New York Times Article on Gabrielle Giffords Shooting
For me hearing of the attempt on her life, having just found a seat at the Yakima Democratic Headquarters in preparation for my first foray into political involvement beyond Kittitas County, this will be one of those frozen in time memories which include listening to the radio and hearing the reports of small planes flying into the the two towers on 9/11, hearing that Bay Bridge collapsed into the San Francisco Bay while I was at work in a grocery store in Placerville, California, and, again at work in an Insurance Firm in Emeryville, California watching news reports of the Space Shuttle Challenger exploding. Yesterday will also be memorable because moments before, as I was walking into the meeting, I saw a woman carrying a rifle bag (I did not know there was a gun and pawn shop nearby) and just for a moment, I did stop to ponder what her intent might be.
Assassinations and assassination attempts are, unfortunately, part of the fabric of American history. There is no escaping our past which includes the shooting of President Abraham Lincoln, the shooting of John F. Kennedy, the shooting of George Wallace, the shooting of Bobby Kennedy, the shooting of Martin Luther King, the shooting of Ronald Reagan and the shooting of John Lennon. No discussion of political violence would be complete without at least touching on the bombing of the Murrow building in Oklahoma City carried out by Timothy McVeigh with some assistance from a few other politically frustrated friends. We are all too well acquainted with this type of violent and wanton taking of human life.
In this past month since unexpectedly becoming more involved in local party politics, I've wrestled with how to best deal with difficult issues of political discourse that could come up here locally. Our community has a recent black eye in the Manweller-Huber fisticuffs that evolved out of several acts of free speech. While I do not wish to reopen that can of worms, and I am, of course, extremely sympathetic to the Huber family, I am also concerned about not seeing a repeat on any member of the Democratic Party's part in this county.
I know many of the members of the Republican Party (and, even, Tea Partiers) here quite well, and, many I also count as not only good friends, but dear friends. I also know that realistically, there will be moments of vitriol, of passion, possibly of stupidity, possibly of disingenuous commentary or behavior that is otherwise unsavory. But I ask that our people, the Democrats, stand tall, not take personal offense even when it is warranted, and move forward with the critical tasks of rebuilding our party's infrastructure, telling our story of the good works the Democrats have done in the past and will do for Central Washington in the future, and reaching out to serve our Kittitas County community members of all political persuasions. Let us do our part to build a positive democracy here locally without violence, threats and, simply put, with respect for all, even when we passionately disagree with them or the way they express themselves.
Keith Olbermann's Call to Political Leaders and Pundits to Repudiate Violence and Threats
Sunday New York Times Article on Gabrielle Giffords Shooting
Sunday, January 2, 2011
The Cascade Curtain?
Reprinted in Full from a Yakima Herald Editorial.
From the Yakima Herald-Republic Online News.
Posted on Friday, December 31, 2010
How the 'Cascade Curtain' could open -- just a bit
Yakima Herald-Republic
For decades, political officials and observers have looked for ways to part the "Cascade Curtain," Washington state's mountainous physical boundary that also embodies the economic, philosophical and political split between east and west. Folks on this side of the state constantly lament that they are outvoted, outmaneuvered and overlooked by the wealthier, more populous westside.
The curtain could open just a bit, thanks to the 2010 Census and the population growth that it documented in Washington state during the past decade.
Since 2000, the number of state residents has risen 14.1 percent to 6,724,540, enough to add one congressional seat to the current nine. The 4th Congressional District's population almost kept pace with the state, gaining 13.4 percent, with much of that growth in the Tri-Cities and, to a lesser extent, in Kittitas and Grant counties. The Spokane-dominated 5th District saw a little over half that rate at 7.5 percent.
Take a look at the accompanying map, and you'll see the 4th District, represented by Republican Doc Hastings of Pasco, now is a sprawling but intuitive compendium of Yakima, Kittitas, Klickitat, Benton, Franklin, Grant, Chelan and Douglas counties. The western boundary runs right along the Cascade crest.
The state's new districts will need to average about 672,000 people (nice of the 10 seats to make that math easy). To do that, according to the Washington State Redistricting Commission, the 4th District will need to "lose" 90,280 people -- or more correctly, have that number transfer to another district. In the 5th District, just over 50,000 residents are so affected. So more than 140,000 people east of the Cascades will need to find a new congressional home. That means one, maybe two westside districts are going to come over our way.
The early scuttlebutt offers two prospects for the new 10th District: one is based in Olympia and would take a chunk of population from Southwest Washington's fast-growing 3rd; a second sets up a Bellevue-based 10th that would severely alter the 8th, now centered in the suburbs south and east of Lake Washington. Under the first scenario, the 3rd would extend up the Columbia River Gorge to Klickitat and Yakima counties; under the second, the 8th would follow Interstate 90 into Kittitas and Yakima counties.
Both districts recently elected Republicans, newcomer Jamie Herrera Beutler of Camas in the 3rd and veteran Dave Reichert of Auburn in the 8th. Either or both would be attuned to the political leanings of the Yakima Valley, and having another congressional representative or two familiar with Valley issues could add to this area's clout.
History favors a Valley tie-in with the Columbia Gorge and the 3rd; during the 1970s, the 4th District stretched into the city of Vancouver, and the 15th Legislative District edges into eastern Clark County now. While Clark County is heavily urban and suburban, the resource-based economy of outlying areas bears similarities to parts of the 4th. On the flip side, population trends may augur for the 8th, as upper Kittitas County sees growing numbers of "206ers," a reference to newcomers whose phones bear Seattle's area code.
That said, we believe a bloc of Valley votes with one new congressional representative would hold more sway than would votes diluted by both the 3rd and the 8th. The districts must be equal in population, but federal law requires districts to consider cities, counties and "communities of interest" whenever possible.
Thanks to a 1983 constitutional amendment, the state's redistricting process is fairly straightforward. Decades of legislative shenanigans led to the change, which yanked the process from legislators and set up the bipartisan redistricting commission. The panel, reappointed every decade, consists of four voting members, two each chosen by Democratic and Republican legislative leaders. Those four then pick a fifth nonvoting member as a chair. The Legislature approves the final maps but can make only minor changes. The first elections under the new districts will take place in 2012.
The Democrats have picked their representatives: former Seattle Deputy Mayor Tim Ceis and former state House Clerk Dean Foster. Republicans have yet to announce their picks, but we hope the GOP acknowledges its Central Washington power base and chooses someone, who, if not from east of the mountains, is at least attuned to this region's redistricting interests.
Much of the attention on the new congressional seat has focused on the state's overall congressional and presidential clout; the new seat brings the state's electoral vote total to 12. Within the state's increased national profile, Central Washington could gain some clout of its own. It may not be the Cascade Curtain raiser, but it may set the stage for enhanced political influence for our Valley.
Members of the Yakima Herald-Republic editorial board are Sharon J. Prill, Bob Crider, Frank Purdy and Karen Troianello.
From the Yakima Herald-Republic Online News.
Posted on Friday, December 31, 2010
How the 'Cascade Curtain' could open -- just a bit
Yakima Herald-Republic
For decades, political officials and observers have looked for ways to part the "Cascade Curtain," Washington state's mountainous physical boundary that also embodies the economic, philosophical and political split between east and west. Folks on this side of the state constantly lament that they are outvoted, outmaneuvered and overlooked by the wealthier, more populous westside.
The curtain could open just a bit, thanks to the 2010 Census and the population growth that it documented in Washington state during the past decade.
Since 2000, the number of state residents has risen 14.1 percent to 6,724,540, enough to add one congressional seat to the current nine. The 4th Congressional District's population almost kept pace with the state, gaining 13.4 percent, with much of that growth in the Tri-Cities and, to a lesser extent, in Kittitas and Grant counties. The Spokane-dominated 5th District saw a little over half that rate at 7.5 percent.
Take a look at the accompanying map, and you'll see the 4th District, represented by Republican Doc Hastings of Pasco, now is a sprawling but intuitive compendium of Yakima, Kittitas, Klickitat, Benton, Franklin, Grant, Chelan and Douglas counties. The western boundary runs right along the Cascade crest.
The state's new districts will need to average about 672,000 people (nice of the 10 seats to make that math easy). To do that, according to the Washington State Redistricting Commission, the 4th District will need to "lose" 90,280 people -- or more correctly, have that number transfer to another district. In the 5th District, just over 50,000 residents are so affected. So more than 140,000 people east of the Cascades will need to find a new congressional home. That means one, maybe two westside districts are going to come over our way.
The early scuttlebutt offers two prospects for the new 10th District: one is based in Olympia and would take a chunk of population from Southwest Washington's fast-growing 3rd; a second sets up a Bellevue-based 10th that would severely alter the 8th, now centered in the suburbs south and east of Lake Washington. Under the first scenario, the 3rd would extend up the Columbia River Gorge to Klickitat and Yakima counties; under the second, the 8th would follow Interstate 90 into Kittitas and Yakima counties.
Both districts recently elected Republicans, newcomer Jamie Herrera Beutler of Camas in the 3rd and veteran Dave Reichert of Auburn in the 8th. Either or both would be attuned to the political leanings of the Yakima Valley, and having another congressional representative or two familiar with Valley issues could add to this area's clout.
History favors a Valley tie-in with the Columbia Gorge and the 3rd; during the 1970s, the 4th District stretched into the city of Vancouver, and the 15th Legislative District edges into eastern Clark County now. While Clark County is heavily urban and suburban, the resource-based economy of outlying areas bears similarities to parts of the 4th. On the flip side, population trends may augur for the 8th, as upper Kittitas County sees growing numbers of "206ers," a reference to newcomers whose phones bear Seattle's area code.
That said, we believe a bloc of Valley votes with one new congressional representative would hold more sway than would votes diluted by both the 3rd and the 8th. The districts must be equal in population, but federal law requires districts to consider cities, counties and "communities of interest" whenever possible.
Thanks to a 1983 constitutional amendment, the state's redistricting process is fairly straightforward. Decades of legislative shenanigans led to the change, which yanked the process from legislators and set up the bipartisan redistricting commission. The panel, reappointed every decade, consists of four voting members, two each chosen by Democratic and Republican legislative leaders. Those four then pick a fifth nonvoting member as a chair. The Legislature approves the final maps but can make only minor changes. The first elections under the new districts will take place in 2012.
The Democrats have picked their representatives: former Seattle Deputy Mayor Tim Ceis and former state House Clerk Dean Foster. Republicans have yet to announce their picks, but we hope the GOP acknowledges its Central Washington power base and chooses someone, who, if not from east of the mountains, is at least attuned to this region's redistricting interests.
Much of the attention on the new congressional seat has focused on the state's overall congressional and presidential clout; the new seat brings the state's electoral vote total to 12. Within the state's increased national profile, Central Washington could gain some clout of its own. It may not be the Cascade Curtain raiser, but it may set the stage for enhanced political influence for our Valley.
Members of the Yakima Herald-Republic editorial board are Sharon J. Prill, Bob Crider, Frank Purdy and Karen Troianello.
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